New Zealanders pride themselves on treating others with dignity, respect and kindness—and this should extend to the people who grow our food, sew our clothes and mine the metals for our phones. Yet, we know that New Zealand is importing billions of dollars of goods at high risk of being made by people forced into slavery and businesses are taking little action to address these risks in their supply chains¹. This is because New Zealand has no law requiring companies to know who makes their products or to ensure they are not using slavery. This disregard for the lives of others is not the New Zealand way. Last year, your government shared a plan to change this. Your then Minister for Workplace Relations and Safety, Michael Wood, said he expected to introduce a modern slavery bill to Parliament in this current term. It’s now been months, and we’ve seen no action. Prime Minister Hipkins, you said that this matter was a priority for your government and that decisions would be announced soon, but we are still waiting. And while we wait, men, women and children are trapped in slavery making our products. There’s been too much progress to let this legislation fail at the eleventh hour. An open letter from the business community; a 37,000-strong public petition; Modern Slavery Leadership Advisory Group meetings; and a public consultation process demonstrated overwhelming support for the legislation. But your government has failed to deliver. There is a proposal for law ready-to-go that is fit for purpose, well-prepared, and has widespread support from businesses and Kiwis. We’ve heard loud and clear that New Zealanders want legislative action on modern slavery. There’s no time to waste. Introduce the bill to address modern slavery to the House before the election. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YpcDxIH3CrQ ¹ World Vision New Zealand (2023), Risky Business report.

NO CUTS Wayne Brown’s Budget 2023/24 is proposing to cut funding to crucial community support services during a cost of living and climate crisis. The people of Auckland are deeply concerned about the proposed budget. We understand that the Council is facing financial challenges, but we urge Auckland Council to reconsider these cuts as they will have a severe impact on the community. “Cutting regional community focused initiatives … of all groups working with Māori, Pasifika, youth, refugee, new migrant and rainbow communities.” - Page 30, Te Wāhanga Tuatoru: Te Pūtea e Marohitia Ana, Annual Budget Proposal 2022/23. We can see the budget has targeted marginalized communities, yet does not suggest cuts to industry and business whatsoever. The proposed budget cuts will have far-reaching consequences for all Aucklanders, but especially our most vulnerable residents, including children, the elderly, the working poor, and those with disabilities. Cuts to climate change, social services, community venues, public transport, arts,and education will have a devastating impact on these communities, and protesters are determined to make their voices heard. The proposed cuts to community services, including libraries, community venues and centers, youth and homelessness, early childhood education, Arts and culture, water quality and public transport, will have a negative impact on the quality of life for many Auckland residents. These services are essential for the well-being of our community and provide opportunities for social interaction, education, and access to essential resources. Furthermore, the proposed cuts to environmental initiatives, including park maintenance and waste management, will have a detrimental effect on our environment. These initiatives are critical to the sustainability of our city and the protection of our natural environment and resources. We understand that difficult decisions must be made regarding the budget, but we urge the Council to prioritize the needs of the most vulnerable. We believe that alternative solutions and a better budget is possible. The Auckland council’s feedback report suggested that the majority of Aucklanders reject this proposed budget, and it is not suited to serve Auckland residents. The sale of the airport shares is not necessary or helpful and will take Auckland backwards. The airport shares are an important revenue stream, the airport is increasing in value, and it is an asset that the Council can borrow against. The 18% shareholding is also an opportunity for public voice on the future of the airport, a strategic asset - and it is important that the Council holds onto public control in the face of climate and health emergencies. The Community Coalition against the Cuts demands that Auckland Council, Mayor and Councilors listen to Aucklanders. Consider and implement the voices of Aucklanders who took their time to give their feedback. We fully reject this proposed budget, and we demand the following: 1- NO CUTS TO REGIONAL & COMMUNITY SERVICES 2- INCREASE RATES & DEBT 3- NO SALE OF AIRPORT SHARES The super-rich must pay for this budget deficit, not the most vulnerable. We demand that any shortfall in the Council's books should be filled through increased rates on big business, and charges on luxury items such as private helicopters and super-yachts, not cuts which hit the poorest hardest. We need to be expanding services, not cutting them. We demand that the Council expands public transport, making buses and trains free and frequent, and takes more action on climate change amidst a climate crisis. We demand more funding to tackle poverty and homelessness. Therefore, we call on Auckland Council to reconsider the proposed budget cuts and to find alternative solutions that do not compromise the well-being of our community and our environment. We fully reject this budget we will not sit by quietly. We say, NO CUTS! Community Coalition Against Cuts

Everyone deserves to be kept safe online. But NZTech’s Code of Practice for Online Safety and Harms does not go far enough to protect New Zealanders from the very real dangers of online harm. The Code aims to bring together social media platforms like Meta (which includes Facebook and Instagram), Google (including YouTube), TikTok, Amazon (including Twitch) and Twitter to set an industry standard for online safety in Aotearoa. The Signatories to the Code committed to provide annual reports on their efforts toward reducing risks and harms across a number of measures - a worthy goal, in theory. However there are very real problems with the Code as it currently exists. Our main concerns are: • The Code’s self-regulation is not credible. The Code fails to ensure independent oversight of the Signatories. While an ‘Oversight Board’ is being created, membership on that board is at the sole discretion of the social media companies and there are no credible safeguards to maintain or scrutinise the Board’s independence. Those impacted by these companies are not promised a voice nor the means to use it. • The Code isn’t focused on Aotearoa. We believe that the Code’s Signatories are seeking to benefit from our international reputation to influence global regulation. The Code invokes Te Ao Māori, but the content is generic, as are the proposed governance arrangements and the consultation process. There’s no mention of the specific challenges our communities face online nor how the Signatories are working to address those challenges. The initial global reports from the Signatories were very general statements of their global policies and many of the Signatories did not even provide minimal Aotearoa-specific data. • The Signatories’ community engagement has not been effective nor credible. This is particularly embodied by the inauthentic community engagement that has been performed. While many of the people at organisations like Netsafe and NZTech have done genuine and authentic work to try to engage with civil society to make the Code effective, and we do appreciate the mahi they have performed, they have been hamstrung by the Signatories’ decisions and objectives. This means while concerns and feedback have been carried back to the Signatories, they have not been taken on board nor implemented. That’s why New Zealanders need to come together to call for better protection. And that’s why the Coalition for Better Digital Policy, led by Inclusive Aotearoa Collective Tāhono, Amnesty International Aotearoa New Zealand and Tohatoha has been formed. Many of us have been constructively critiquing the Code since it was publicly released in 2022. As a group, we aim to enable robust, inclusive, and effective regulation of technology in Aotearoa, with a focus on upholding human rights and preserving the benefits technology can provide us. Our shared experiences have convinced us that the current processes being used will not make the Code truly effective. We are calling on NZTech and the Signatories to work with us to develop a process that meets the needs of everyone at risk of harm from these companies. Add your voice by signing the petition to call on NZTech to #FixTheCode.

It's invasive. RPNow requires all users to provide webcam access to their bedroom or private spaces and that data is collected and assessed by staff who do not work for the University, and that data is at high risk of being hacked or breached. It's inequitable. Students who cannot afford a laptop with webcam, microphone and those who do not have a strong internet connection can't access the examinations that they paid for. Students may not be able to book limited university spaces to sit these exams, or able to provide a safe quiet space at home to sit them. It's not culturally competent. Many of our tauira live in whanau based situations, that don't provide for silent or private spaces to take examinations at home. These students will fail if the microphone detects other voices speaking. It's just plain wrong. Students will go to other Universities that don't invade their privacy by implementing invasive and unsafe, low trust systems. Students have a right to be heard, and their voice matters. Universities should not be implementing significant changes to assessment without first consulting with students.

People in Aotearoa want the foundations of our communities to be resilient and sustainable for ourselves and for our grandchildren. We want our homes, our ways of getting around, the grids our power depends on, the pipes our water runs through, and the lines that underpin our communication to be reliable. Most of us want the work we do to make a difference in our communities and care for our beloved natural environment. The destruction from Cyclone Gabrielle and climate-charged flooding in Auckland have shown the urgent need to strengthen those foundations. Decades of underinvestment in essential infrastructure by people in successive governments has left our communities vulnerable. Instead core public development has been contracted out into sporadic projects. This has diverted funding into corporations’ pockets and created unstable employment for workers. The piecemeal approach has also led to the loss of the public sector knowledge that is needed to respond to large scale challenges. We need new institutions designed to do what works to make a just transition from dependency on fossil fuels and high-emission industries. Institutions that can respond to immediate needs, plan for long-term and large-scale change, and embrace Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the leadership of tangata whenua. A Ministry of Green Works would: - Deliver a mass scale build of beautiful, sustainable public housing to reduce the shortage of homes - Roll out an integrated network of passenger rail - Bring resources and support to community-led adaptation and in places that are now vulnerable to climate disasters - Train up the next generation of apprenticeships and essential workers for green infrastructure that is resilient in the face of future challenges The Ministry of Green Works will support Te Tiriti-based governance by resourcing tino rangatiratanga so that hapū can lead in this space as well. It will not be able to take land and could also play a role in recommending that land be transferred to Māori supervision as part of good environmental management. What we build, whether it be marae, public transport or storm water drainage, has the power to nourish our environment and reduce inequities. But we need the government to put a Ministry of Green Works in place now to build the future our grandchildren deserve. Further reading here: https://apo.org.au/node/315499

As a colonial power, New Zealand exploited Pacific Islands including Banaba, part of modern-day Kiribati, where 90% of the island’s surface was mined by the British Phosphate Commission – jointly owned by the British, Australian, and New Zealand governments – from the early 1900s to the end of the 1970s. This extractive practice left behind barren and uninhabitable land, resulting in the forced resettlement of Banabans to Rabi island in Fiji in 1945. To this day, Banabans on Rabi face discrimination as a nation of people falling between jurisdictions with none wanting to take responsibility.

Meeting the three demands of our petition would help combat the labor exploitation and sometimes outright trafficking endemic within venues in adult entertainment in New Zealand. The reasoning for our demands are further explained below, but more information can be found on our website www.firedupstilettos.com, and on Employment New Zealand’s website. 1) As is clearly outlined in Employment New Zealand’s guide for determining whether someone is an independent contractor or employee, independent contractors have control over our working hours, control over services we provide and how we provide them, and may work for multiple principles at the same time. We have collected contracts from numerous adult entertainment venues in Aotearoa New Zealand which violate our independent contractor status by proposing dancers pay exorbitant fines for not being at work at a time management decides, or leaving before management wants us to. They have introduced fines that compel us to take our underwear off at a certain time on stage, and keep it off while walking around to collect tips. The most egregious fees prohibit “rudeness” (as determined solely by management) toward management or customers, and “demanding” customers pay us for our labour (also known as asking for a tip–one of the only ways we get paid). The contracts also compel a dancer to agree not to provide services of a similar nature to any third party, allowing them to monopolize and control our labour. These clauses create an atmosphere of dictatorial control by management over dancers that violates our status as independent contractors. We are willing to sacrifice labour security in order to have freedom–we will no longer tolerate having neither. 2) The use of fines and bonds is a standard tactic used by adult entertainment venues in order to coerce compliant behavior from dancers, and they promote self-evident power imbalances that can range from inconvenience to outright labour trafficking. This labour trafficking can occur when dancers are fined by management for a larger amount than they have actually earned, meaning they then owe their employer (who is the one with the power to implement the fine) payment on this debt. Some clubs claim this never happens, which is both untrue and beside the point: the fact that we are afraid it will happen means management is in a position of incredible coercive control, which is dangerous. Although this is in no way unique among venues in our industry, we have included an example of Calendar Girls Wellington’s contract, including the detailed fines. These fines make us afraid. We are afraid to stand up to management for fear of losing all our income, and afraid to stand up to customers who violate our boundaries for fear we will be blamed and go home owing the club money because we dared say no. All fines are coercive and unethical, but threatening dancers with such a huge fine for “rudeness” toward a customer in particular is a safety issue that increases our likelihood of experiencing sexual violence at work: an integral part of any kind of adult entertainment is being able to decide our own boundaries over our own bodies, and which customers we do business with. Coercion and exploitation in adult entertainment is not inherent to the work, but rather to business practices that control when, how, and with whom we do it. 3) As previously stated, independent contractors do not receive a wage: dancers only make what we earn from private dances and tips. In order to gain the right to work in a club, we give a percentage of our earnings to the venue; the proportion of this split has continued to increase in favor of the clubs, creating a condition in which dancers are working more for a smaller percentage of the fee. There is currently no regulation on how much venues can take from us, which has led to what we allege are unfair conditions. The percentage taken by the venue varies throughout adult entertainment in New Zealand, but many extract anywhere from 50-60% of the list price for services (meaning we only earn 39.6%-50% of what the customer has paid for our services), and 20% of tips (meaning we keep 80% of the tips customers give us). We think this division is deeply unfair, but since there are few adult entertainment venues in each city, the clubs are able to set prices so we aren’t able to seek better conditions in another venue. We need industry regulation that sets a limit on how much venues can extract from our profits: we propose the venue is not allowed to take more than 35% of the list price for services, and no more than the 20% already in place for tips.

Our Whangarei  local body elections currently use the First Past the Post (FPP) voting system. If the candidate we vote for does not make the threshold, our votes are "wasted". The Single Transferable Vote (STV) system will allow us  freedom of choice to rank our candidates and still elect someone in of our choice without  "wasting" votes. When our votes are guaranteed to count like this, vote wastage and vote splitting is eliminated.

I am a FIRST Union delegate and bus driver at NZ Bus, and I am launching this petition calling for three important protections for bus drivers at work following a spate of violent attacks by passengers around the country, including being assaulted myself this month at while work in Auckland. I am a trained health and safety representative, and recently I previously issued my employer with a Provisional Improvement Notice (PIN) following increasing assaults on his colleagues. The risk of assault by passengers seems to have increased in recent years, especially during and immediately after the Covid-19 pandemic. My fellow bus drivers have been physically harmed, subjected to racist abuse and just about everything else you can possibly think of going wrong involving passengers. Driving a bus is about much more than just driving the vehicle. Drivers in other transport jobs like freight and logistics don’t have the added stress and responsibility of making sure passengers are safe and on time to their locations, and they don’t have to deal with the consequences of antisocial behaviour and fare evasion. Other transport workers often paid much more than us bus drivers are. Bus drivers are not punching bags. We are not a person to take out your frustration on or to blame for wider grievances about public transport in your city. We are having to take leave from work, lose income, attend hearings and deal with police over the assaults that happen to us on a weekly or even daily basis, and it is not good enough. We bus drivers are sick of doing their best for passengers and being verbally, racially and physically attacked for it. All bus drivers deserve to feel safe on the job, and feel respected at our place of work. After all, we're carrying the most precious cargo — the people of our community.

This bill would disestablish the Children's Commissioner and will result in a weakening of independent monitoring of Oranga Tamariki and effective advocacy for children and young people. Tracie Shipton, CEO of VOYCE, shared concerns that “The Government has not listened to a single recommendation from young people with lived experience on this Bill. These young people have been effectively silenced, and the new systems outlined by the Bill is designed to further muffle and weaken their voices". We join with VOYCE and care experienced young people in calling for this bill to be stopped.

A return to Elimination with improvements to the COVID Alert Levels is the way forward. We urge people to sign, to email their MPs, and to go on social media to say that we support a return to COVID Elimination, with improved economic supports, so we can effectively end the spread of COVID in our communities. The way to Level 1 is a supported Level 4. Our lives depend on it. The lives of our children and our whānau depend on it. We have done it before, we can do it again, if the government enables us.

https://vimeo.com/596169867 Public transport is crucial in the fight against climate change, making our cities more liveable and supporting sustainable mobility for vulnerable and low-income communities. However bus drivers, passengers and the environment have been victims of a decades-long experiment in privatisation. The Climate Commission has called for a doubling of public transport use nationwide, however poverty wages are making it impossible for operators to recruit new workers. Cancellations are rife, and further industrial action looms on the horizon. The bus privatisation experiment has failed. In July 2021 FIRST Union’s #BusFair campaign called for the Ministry of Transport to abolish the current tendering model (the “PTOM”), massively increase investment in public transport, and work together with stakeholders to bring our public transport back into public ownership. That’s because three decades of bus privatisation has been disastrous for drivers, passengers, and the environment, shifting wealth from workers’ wages into offshore private equity firms that control our network. The PTOM tendering model put this approach on steroids, rewarding operators with the lowest labour costs. Significant investment is needed to lift workers’ wages, increasing the reach and regularity of our bus network, progressively reducing fares and establishing more bus-only infrastructure. However private ownership is a barrier to addressing these concerns. Support for public ownership is now growing, with Greater Wellington Regional Council and the Green Party supporting, as well as bus drivers and passengers across the country. Tell the Minister of Transport that it’s time to bring #ourpublictransport back into public ownership.